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一 |     From 7 a.m. onward Sunday, ballot boxes in Poland started filling up so fast that spare ones had to be dusted off and more ballots needed to be printed. No one had anticipated such long lines throughout the country.Voting was to end at 9 p.m., but by law, polling stations stayed open to accept all who queued up, and the last one closed at 5 a.m. Monday. Some voters braved the night chill for up to eight hours to cast their vote.This resulted in a record turnout of nearly 74% -- highest voter turnout in Poland since 1919 and even higher than that of the first free elections after the fall of communism in 1989.The high turnout confirmed that millions of Poles agree these parliamentary elections may have been the most decisive in the last three decades. Either they would allow the ruling right-wing populist Law and Justice (PiS) party to extend its eight-year hold on power for another four-year term, or they would opt for the return of a liberal democracy.Late poll figures univocally indicate that opposition parties stand a realistic chance to form Poland's next government.The PiS conservatives currently in power took 36% of the vote, but that doesn't translate into a seat majority in parliament, which would allow it to form a Cabinet. Latest polls show they would have 196 deputies in the 460-seat legislature as opposed to 249 seats won by the broad Civic Coalition of opposition parties led by Donald Tusk, former president of the European Council.Sunday's vote was a confrontation of two radically different visions of Poland's future.Conditioned by PiS propaganda that has continually been exploiting fears, PiS supporters claim only that party can secure Poland's sovereignty and protect its interests. The threat of illegal migrants is perhaps the most unifying emotion binding the PiS electorate.Supporters see PiS as their only protector from the alleged dominance of European Union bureaucrats in Brussels and their meddling in Polish affairs.PiS voters turn a blind eye to the fact that the country began to drift toward authoritarian rule, authorities neglect the EU's legal norms and the country continues on a collision course with the Union. Some €36 billion of EU COVID pandemic recovery funds have been frozen in a row over PiS judicial reforms. Many observers believe another PiS term would result in Poland leaving the European Union.Germany, Poland's by far most important trade partner and neighbor, is presented as another source of fear and the country is made out to be an ally of Russia, Poland's greatest foe throughout centuries. But if it's not the threat of German capital buying out Polish industry, then it's the threat of moral decay.In order to appeal to radical voters who accuse the government of extending excessive welfare to Ukrainian refugees, authorities cynically strained relations with Kyiv.PiS voters declare the fear that if the party loses, the next government would take away the generous social benefits PiS guaranteed, such as 14 pensions, child care payments and early retirement.Those who Sunday voted for parties forming the anti-PiS coalition declare they voted for a Poland securely rooted in the European Union.In radio and TV street interviews, they say they want to see Poland mend its strained relations with neighbors, particularly Germany and Ukraine.They do not want to see the Catholic Church influencing state affairs.Sixty-four percent of those polled declare they're in favor of same-sex marriages, and 70% want the new government to liberalize the current strict anti-abortion law.It is uncertain whether Poland's new government will be prepared to meet the more liberal postulates voters expect. The potential ruling coalition's unifying factor is its pro-democratic, pro-EU, anti-PiS stance. Other than that, they often differ in their proposed policies and outlook. They're a broad coalition composed of parties spanning from the far left to liberal conservative.The Civic Coalition's clear victory makes it the only faction in parliament able to constitute Poland's new government. But first, Polish President Andrzej Duda, a PiS nominee, will need to designate a prime minister. Most likely, against the odds, he will name a PiS candidate. That candidate will have little realistic chance of being approved by parliament, and Poland may be faced with many weeks of squabbling and chaos. Constitutionalists predict it may not be until December that Poland gets its new government.。    能源央企高管最新年薪情况公布。国资委网站近日披露了96家中央企业负责人2023年薪酬信息,其中包括7家能源化工央企,分别为“三桶油”(中国石油集团、中国石化集团、中国海油集团)、“两化”(中国化学工程集团、中国中化集团)、国家管网集团和中煤集团。央企负责人税前薪酬收入由三大部分组成,包括应付年薪,社会保险、企业年金、补充医疗保险及住房公积金的单位缴存部分,以及其他货币收入(如补贴)。其中,应付薪酬由国资委核定。目前已公布的7家能源化工央企董事长2023年的应付年薪均未超过100万元,整体在65万元至95万元区间波动;其社保、企业年金、补充医疗保险及住房公积金的单位缴存部分金额范围大多在22万元至28万元。整体看,公开披露的能源化工央企董事长税前年薪总额在80万元到121万元范围。

二 | 与2022年情况类似,能源化工央企“一把手”应付薪酬靠前的仍是“三桶油”。中国石油集团董事长戴厚良、中国海油集团董事长汪东进、中国石化集团董事长马永生分别以94.23万元、94.09万元、93.82万元应付薪酬位居前三。中国中煤集团董事长王树东、国家管网集团董事长张伟、中国化学工程集团董事长戴和根、中国中化集团董事长李凡荣则分别以90.35万元、87.14万元、84.43万元、65.07万元应付薪酬次之排列。不过,与2022年相比,2023年包括“三桶油”在内的多数能源化工央企董事长应付薪酬普遍下滑,同比降幅在0.5%-2.1%不等。7家能源化工央企中,仅国家管网集团、中国化学工程集团董事长年薪微涨或持平。

三 | 这一现象或与行业景气度下滑大背景下的企业经营业绩相关。按照《中央企业负责人经营业绩考核办法》,国资委依据年度和任期经营业绩考核结果对企业负责人实施奖惩,经营业绩考核结果作为企业负责人薪酬分配的主要依据和职务任免的重要依据。中国海油在年报中介绍,2023年国际油价在地缘溢价消退及美联储加息背景下波动下跌,英国布伦特(Brent)原油均价同比下降17%至82.2美元/桶。

四 | 另据中国石油和化学工业联合会数据,中国油气、化工板块2023年营收与净利润双双下滑,原油、天然气及其绝大多数石化产品价格大幅下跌,造成2023年石油石化全行业增产增销不增利。

五 | (本文来自第一财经)。

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